Sports and Development: An Economic Perspective Essay

ntroductionThe relationship between larks and study can be analyzed from different angles some of these dumbfound reliable quite a bit of at disco biscuittion in the lit, others less. An almost-valuable piece of land of the literature foc workouts on footb ein truth (soccer), baseball, and basketball because these sports are scamed most widely and because of the man-sized frugal interests.It is central to first define phylogeny. diversions obviously affects a persons physical create, and withal his or her social and psychological maturement,1 all contributing to the wider instruction of society, a crusade why the United Nations organized the external Year of run around and visible Education in 2005, and incorporates sports into its programs and policies (UN sport for development and peace, 2006). other definition of sports development refers to the creation of a sports infrastructure and a sports competition in evolution countries. The basic principle behind t his perspective is the universal right of all quite a little to play and sport. This story takes a specific view by focusing on the relationship between sports and scotch development, in circumstance income growth and poverty alleviation.We focus of importly on the causal offspring from sports to development.2 In Europe and mag wageic north the States, sports are increasingly important to the parsimony. roughly 2 million people are employed in the sports economy in the 15 member countries of the European Union that is, 1.3 per cent of boilers suit EU employ. And the sports economy is growing. In Europe, in the early 1970s, the ratio of overall sport approachs (for goods and services) to GDP was around 0.5 per cent. In 1990, the ratio ranged between 1 and 1.5 per cent of GDP in most European countries (Andreff and Szymanski, 2006). In the UK, the character of the sports economy to GDP is currentlyestimated at more(prenominal) than 2%. As a comparison this is three ti mes as high as the current contribution of agriculture to GDP in the UK. turns groups have run low large-scale commercial and often multinational enterprises.For example, the value of Manchester United is estimated at 1.4 billion dollars, which equals approximately the total annual break throughput (GDP) of a rustic like Sierra Leone. The livelyest US baseball team, the saucy York Yankees, is valued at more than 1 billion dollars and the average US football team is worth more than 0.5 billion dollars. However, comparable and representative data on the frugal value of sports are non uncommitted, especially for ontogeny countries. In this paper we focus therefore on two specific issues which consider particularly relevant for the concussion of football on frugal development in the context of the southeastern African land loving cup. The first is the impingement of sports/infrastructure enthronizations on development the second is somewhat migration of sports pl ayers and development.The doctor of bag Investments begs placed by prognosis cities or countries to host a mega-sports display case, very much(prenominal) as the human race Cup, have tremendously join ond over time. This augment in legal tenders is ca employ by the law of give and look at. The supply of mega-sports dismantlets remains uniform epoch the number of candidate organizing countries and cities increases. One causation for this is that emerging and ontogeny countries are increasingly competing with spicy countries for hosting such cores. An important argument that candidate governments put forward for hosting a mega-sports event is the perceived economic benefits that the event creates ( porter, 1999). They typically claim that events, such as the founding Cup, give a stimulus to business resulting in economic benefits which are larger than the be, including earthly concern funding, from organizing the event ( nol and Zimbalist, 1997). Governments or sports entrepreneurs often hire consulting agencies to draft an economic dissemble give out (Johnson and force out, 1996). Irrespective of the mega-sports event, such reports from consulting companies always claim a extensive corroborative economic tinge.However, there is a lot of critique in the academic literature on the validity of these economic impact studies. Matheson (2002 2006) points out that many (event-sponsored) studies overdo the economic impact on topical anaestheticcommunities and Porter (1999) states that the predicted benefits of familiar spending never materialize. One problem with many of these impact studies by consultants is that they use input-output analyses, which have been heavily criticized in the academic literature. much(prenominal) input-output analyses start from the assumption of no capacity simplicitys, implying infinitely elastic supply curves. As a consequence, there is no move out and an increase in remove get out always result in pr escribed indirect results only.As pointed out by Matheson (2006), exactly this omitted crowding out nucleus (next to the substitution piece and leakages) is a primary reason why ex ante studies overestimate the economic impact of mega-events. more(prenominal)over, the multipliers used by these input-output analyses are doubtful and inaccurate because they are based on the normal returnion mannequins in an economic area. However, the economy whitethorn yield rattling differently when hosting a mega-event, rendering the normal multipliers invalid (Matheson, 2006). other problem is that these studies are always prospective (Coates and Humphreys 2003). Prospective studies need to be compared with retrospective econometric studies to see, in hindsight, whether they were correct.However, retrospective studies are often not executed because governments or bidding organizations have no incentives to order such a study (PriceWaterhouseCoopers, 2004). If conducted, most ex-post studi es state that the tell apart that mega-sports events generate economic benefits is weak, at trump out. Thus, these few ex post analyses cosmopolitanly confirm that ex-ante studies exaggerate the benefit of mega-sports events.6 Siegfried and Zimbalist (2000) review several(prenominal) econometric studies and all these studies vex no statistically significant evidence that building sports facilities stimulates economic development. Baade and Dye (1990) take on evidence that the presence of a new or renovated stadium has an indeterminate impact on the level of personal income and even possibly a negative impact on local development relative to the region. Another frequently made comment is that, even if hosting a mega-event creates benefits for the organizing region, the question should be posed whether financing such an event is the most efficient use of public money.Kesenne (1999) argues that for example the world Cup should only receive public funding if there are no alternat ive projects that yield high benefits. However, as Kesenne (1999) admits, it is impossible to assess all alternatives, although it remains important tocalculate opportunity cost. A study which is highly relevant for the present paper is that of Brenke and Wagner (2006) who analyze the economic set up of the conception Cup 2006 in Germany. The authors find that expectations that the gentleman Cup would significantly increase spending on employment and growth were overestimated. Additional employment was generated only temporarily. The infrastructure and promotion cost in hosting the arena Cup kick upstairsed overall economic performance by approximately 0.05% (estimates vary between 0.02 percent and 0.07 percent). The main beneficiaries of the knowledge base Cup were FIFA (187 million Euros) and the German football game Association DFB (21 million Euros). frugal bear on Assessments of the World Cup 2010 in southwesterly AfricaIn July 2003, set aside Thornton Kessel Feinste in issued the results of their economic impact assessment, ordered by the South African company that submitted the bid to host the football World Cup to FIFA in September 2003. In their report (Grant Thornton, 2003) they predict that the event bequeath lead to direct expenditure of R12.7 billion an increase of R21.3 billion (1.2%) in the gross domestic product (GDP) of South Africa 159,000 new employment opportunities (3.5% of South Africas unemployed supple population) and R7.2 billion additional tax revenue for the South African government. More freshly, Grant Thornton estimated that the event will contribute at least R51.1 billion (2.7%) to the commonwealths GDP because more tickets will be available for sale (Gadebe, 2007). These results have been widely disseminated through the media.In the light of the former literature review, there is reason to be sceptical about these predictions. A closer look into the numbers and the methods provides serious reasons to believe that t hese results are overestimations. First, Grant Thornton (2003) includes domestic residents expenditures at the event as direct benefits. However, this is merely a reallocation of expenditure and does not add to the GDP of a uncouth (see e.g. Baade, 2006 Johnson and Sack, 1996). Second, according to Bohlmann (2006), the use of multipliers in the report is questionable and overly optimistic. Third, the report estimated that R1.8 billion would have to be spent on upgrades to stadia, and R500 million on infrastructure upgrades.However, a site published for the International market placeing Council of South Africa (2008) reports much higher investment costs R8.4 billion for building and renovating ten World Cup stadiums (five have to be renovated and five have to be create). For example, the Durban stadium and the Cape Town stadium that have to be built cost respectively R2.6 billion and R2.85 billion. The cost of upgrades on the infrastructure, for example, upgrades of airports and breakments of the countrys road and rail network, is estimated now at R9 billion. Fourth, there are problems with the indication of the announced 159,000 new employment opportunities. The Local Organising Committee (LOC) plans to recruit volunteers, familiar people as well as specialists, to work at the World Cup.These volunteers are not paid, which sheds a different light on the recitation of employment opportunities. Moreover, many of the jobs will only be temporarily. Because of the troublesome economic situation in Zimbabwe, and because of the announcements of the numerous job vacancies, there is a coarse migration flow of skilled and semi-skilled construction workers from Zimbabwe to South Africa (Sapa AFP, 2007). These migrants may take up a considerable share of this employment.Do concerns Differ with the Level of festering of the Host Country ? The most obvious point of reference when assessing the liable(predicate) impact of the South Africa World Cup is to compare it with the most recent World Cup in Germany. However, important discrepancys in the level of income and development between Germany and South Africa complicate such comparison. Thus we cannot merely interchange the economic impact of the World Cup in Germany to South-Africa (Matheson and Baade 2004). An important difference relates to the costs of infrastructure investments.7 First, investment requirements in South Africa are larger. enchantment South Africa has to build several new stadiums, Germany had (most of) them already, and investments were limited to upgrading. Possible even more importantly, the ecumenical infrastructure, for example related to transport, requires much more investment in South Africa.Second, regarding the costs, one should look at differences in cost of large(p) and cost of labor. The aforementioned (opportunity) costs of capital are typically higher in growing countries. Money spent on the event is money not spent in other areas, such as thehealth system. However, wages are comparatively low in developing countries which can lower the operating and infrastructure costs. Labor opportunity costs may also be low in developing countries with large unemployment. The post-World Cup use (return) of the investments differs as well. Concerning the stadia, these are well used in Germany with a large attendance in the Bundesliga. It is more uncertain what the demand for the football stadia will be in South Africa after the World Cup. In world(a), one would expect that the demand for these facilities is lower in developing countries, as sport is a luxury good, albeit that South Africa is a actually specific country.There appears strong (and high income) demand for other sports (rugby) while less (and low income) demand for football. The extent of use of the stadia for these different demands will certainly affect the benefits. Low use and high maintenance costs may even lead to a negative legacy of the World Cup. narrate from the po st-World Cup 2002 effects in South Korea and Japan indicates that concerns about the low use and high maintenance costs of the stadiums were justified (Watts, 2002). Regarding general infrastructure investments, one would assume that the potential effects would be large in South Africa. Its infrastructural deficiencies are often cited as a constraint on growth, and improving this because of the World Cup requirements could provide a study reduction in costs and provide a productivity boost to the economy.Sports MigrationPossibly more than in any other economic activity, migration is important in sports. The share of migrants in the main sports leagues in Europe and North America is large by average economic sector put forwardards, in particular for the top leagues. There are cases where teams in first divisions in Europe have played with 100% migrants, hence without a individual native player. The pattern of migration varies considerably across sports. For example, in (ice) hocke y, the main migration pattern is from Eastern Europe to the US and Canada in baseball from Central America to the US and Canada in basketball, some European and Latin American players play in the US NBA at the same time, many US players who cannot make believe it in the NBA play in European leagues and in football (soccer) the main migration is from the rest of the homo to Europe, and among countries within Europe.Migration ofAfrican football players to Europe has freehanded exponentially over the past(a) decades. Studies on the impact of these migration patterns can be classified into different groups. Most of the literature on migration of athletes or sports players emphasizes and focuses on what are claimed to be negative implications. One negative implication could be referred to as the muscle run (analogous to the literature on the brain drainpipe) it refers to the negative effects on direction and the competitiveness of the local sports system. link up negative effects are argued to be low wages for developing country players, the illegal nature of the migration and transfers, and the lack of transparency surrounding it (e.g. Andreff, 2004 Magee and Sugden, 2002), incentive some to refer to this as a modern form of slaveholding. composition there appears to be considerable ad hoc evidence on these effects (including on illegal activities and lack of transparency in planetary transfers),8 there is in general little representative evidence on these issues.In contrast, an extensive literature on the development and poverty impacts of general migration, which is mainly based on much better data and evidence, suggests very different effects of migration. First, international remittances have in general a positive impact on development (Adams, 2006). Remittances reduce the level, depth and naughtiness of poverty in the developing existence, because a large proportion of these income transfers go to shortsighted households, although not necessarily the very poorest (Adams and summon, 2003, 2005). Remittances also have a positive impact on investment in education and in entrepreneurial activities and can help raise the level of human capital in a country as a whole (Edwards and Ureta, 2003 Yang, 2005 McCormick and Wahba, 2001 Page, Cuecuecha and Adams, 2008). While very little is known about the impact of remittances from sports remuneration, there is no ex ante reason to believe that these effects would be very different.Second, migration affects the level of human capital (in a broad interpretation) in the inventory country in both positive and negative ways, what is sometimes referred to as the brain drain and the brain gain (Ozden and Schiff, 2005). Recent studies (not focusing on migration in sports) come to the conclusion that, although international migration involves the movement of the educated, international migration does not tendto take a very high proportion of the best educated, aside from a few labor-exporting countries. Hence the brain drain is generally limited (Adams, 2003). In fact, migration of the educated from a developing country may increase the incentive to acquire education, resulting in a brain gain. In other words, the dynamic investment effects reverse the static, depletion effects of migration on schooling (Boucher et al, 2005). Hence, in summary, pickings into business relationship dynamic incentive effects, the net impact calculates to be a brain gain.These findings seem to struggle with arguments that the muscle drain in sports undermines the sporting capacity of developing countries. It is verbalise to divert the most talented sportsmen, leaving the developing countries with the costs of their education without the possibility of regaining this investment in human (or athletic) capital. This muscle drain is also argued to erode the capacity of the home country to use its most talented athletes in international competition, explaining the poor performances of develop ing countries in world sport events (Andreff, 2004).However, the empirical evidence to support these arguments does not appear to stand up to a rigorous analysis, such as taking into account selection bias. Moreover, the analyses ignore any dynamic effects which seem to guide in developing country sports sectors where investments in local training facilities have grown with the change magnitude success of developing country players in rich country sports leagues, although there is no systematic evidence on this. Moreover, developing countries seem to have done better, not worse, since the start of substantial migration from their players to rich country competitions.For example, African teams have performed increasingly well in the past three decades in the World Cup. Third, the creation of sports schools with the explicit objective to contrive local players for playing in rich country sports leagues is the subject of much debate. While some of these schools are quite successful, the models are criticized for an unequal scattering of the gains (with the, often European, owners argued to capture a disproportionate share of the financial benefits), and for lede to a decline in education enrolment, and for creating social problems (Darby, Akindes and Kirwin, 2007).Fourth, the search for African players by European football clubs is argued to be an example of wage toss away (Poli, 2006). These arguments are very similar to the issues in the general migration literature with migrants taking over jobs at lower wages in the host country an issue well studied in other sectors of the economy. Interestingly, one of the worlds leading keens, George Borjas of Harvard University claims that there is no clear evidence each way and that despite massive immigration from poorer countries in recent decades studies commemorate very little impact on wages in the US (Aydemir and Borjas, 2007).Finally, while across the globe remittances are a very important source of capi tal, and particularly so in some developing countries, it is undecipherable whether remittances of migrated sports players are sufficiently bulky to have a significant impact on the development of a country or a region. On the one hand, the number of players migrating is very small compared to total employment. However, sports migration has grown chop-chop and incomes are generally much higher in Europe or the US than at home, where incomes are considerably lower. However, there is no substantive evidence here one can only speculate or draw on ad hoc cases. move of the World Cup devoted these potential effects of migration, how is the World Cup likely to affect these? some(prenominal) changes may occur, some with opposing effects. If the World Cup gives a semipermanent boost to football in South Africa, either by creating facilities in areas of the countries or for parts of the population where football is popular, or by order of payment in new parts of the population (and thei r incomes) into football, this may increase the demand for players from other African countries and thus in-migration of players. Another possible effect is that the World Cup may inspire young South Africans to fail international players or may induce much needed investments in youth football and training facilities in South Africa. This could lead to a surge in football academies in South Africa. This is what was observed in Senegal after the exceptional performance of the national team in the 2002 World Cup. This could then result in an increase in out-migration of footballplayers from South Africa to the rest of the world.Concluding comments Money is not everything.This paper has reviewed several potential economic effects of the World Cup. The arguments discussed so far seem to suggest that the economic impact of the World Cup in South Africa is likely to be less than argued by the consulting reports, but that there may be substantive benefits from improvements in the general infrastructure that result from the World Cup organization. However, money, of course, is not everything. There is a growing economic literature on the connection between happiness (or subjective well-being) and income. Within a society, studies find that, on average, persons with a higher income are happier than poor people (see e.g. Frey and Stutzer, 2002 Graham and Pettinatio, 2002) but that after a certain threshold level of income, higher income does not seem to make people happier.Several reports also point out that benefits are not always tangible or cannot be expressed in financial terms, such as the increased confidence and pride of the population of the host country. Szymanski (2002) argues that organizing the World Cup will not boost economic growth although the government expenditures do improve the overall well being of its citizens because of these intangible effects. The study of Brenke and Wagner (2006) on the economic effects of the World Cup 2006 in Germany comes t o a similar conclusion, i.e. that the economic effects were minor but that there was a positive effect on society for other reasons. The World Cup showed a positive image of the country and, as they say it was great fun, nobody more, nothing less.One could even hypothesize on the economic implications of this. There is evidence from the psychology literature that happier people perform better in general and also earn more income. Graham et al. (2004) find that factors such as self-esteem and optimism that affect happiness also have positive effects on peoples performance in the labor market. This effect of happiness could be particularly relevant for the World Cup in South Africa, because the study of Graham et al (2004) also shows that these factors matter more for the poor. In this view, the extent to which the World Cup stimulates a positive office among poor people in South African societymatters especially. Hence, ensuring poor local people access to the games is important. I n this light the initiative of the FIFA and the local organizers to make tickets more easily and cheaper available for local residents is a tone of voice in the right direction.ReferencesAdams, R.H.J. & J. Page (2003). International Migration, Remittances and Poverty in create Countries World Bank indemnity look Working Paper 3179. Adams, R.H.J. & J. Page (2005). Do International Migration and Remittances Reduce Poverty in growing Countries? World phylogenesis, Vol. 33, Nr. 10. pp. 1645 1669. Adams, R.H.J. (2003). International Migration, Remittances, and the maven Drain. A Study of 24 Labor-Exporting Countries Policy Research Working Paper 3069. The World Bank. Poverty Reduction Group, Washington, DC. Adams, R.H.J. (2006). Migration, Remittances and Development The circumstantial Nexus in the Middle East and North Africa United Nations expert group meeting on international migration and development in the Arab region. Andreff, W. (2004). 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